Why do States Want Nuclear weapons?
Name
Institution
Why do States Want Nuclear weapons?
核武器军事论文代写 Why do States Want Nuclear weapons? The international power structure has dramatically been affected by the emergence of nuclear weapons.
The international power structure has dramatically been affected by the emergence of nuclear weapons. It all started with the United States, which gains the monopoly of atomic weapons, and as a result, it became the most powerful nation in the world (Callaghan and Phythian, 2015). The USSR followed the suite and was successful. The two strategic moves by the U.S and USSR led to the emergence and strengthening of bipolarity in international relations. The nuclear acquisition club was further extended when Britain, France, and China also added atomic weapons in their arsenal catalogue.
The proliferation led to the transformation of international affairs from bipolar to multipolar (Varisco, 2013). According to Lieber and Press (2013), the turn of events made it clear that owning nuclear weapons was incredibly essential after World War II and marked the beginning of Cold War that ended with weapon usage treaty that has never been broken after the U.S. bomb at Hiroshima. Since then, nuclear weapons have been used as a determinant of the power status of the two blocs of power in the era of Cold War. However, the modern understanding of reasons for why countries choose to have nuclear weapons is complex, variable and speculative. Generally, it can be argued that states want nuclear weapons because of the four factors though overlapping including fear, security, power, and prestige.
译文：
核武器的出现极大地影响了国际权力结构。一切始于美国，它获得了原子武器的垄断，因此，它成为了世界上最强大的国家（Callaghan和Phythian，2015年）。苏联追随该套件并获得成功。美国和苏联的两项战略举措导致国际关系出现并加强了两极分化。当英国，法国和中国也将原子武器添加到其军火库目录时，核收购俱乐部得到了进一步扩展。
扩散导致国际事务从两极转变为多极（Varisco，2013年）。根据Lieber and Press（2013）的说法，事件的转变清楚地表明，拥有核武器对第二次世界大战后至关重要，并标志着冷战的开始，该条约以在美国炸弹袭击后从未被破坏的武器使用条约结束。广岛。从那时起，核武器一直被用作冷战时代两个权力集团的权力状况的决定因素。但是，对于各国为何选择拥有核武器的原因的现代理解是复杂，多变和投机的。通常，可以说，由于四个因素虽然相互重叠，但包括恐惧，安全，权力和威信，各国之所以需要核武器，是有争议的。
Neo-Realist Theory
In the context of international relations, neorealism is a school of thought that emphasises interstate competitions in international relations. Realist theorist argues that politics be viewed as it exists rather than how one imagine or wish it would be (Rana, 2015). Regarding the political systems, the theory focuses on how international relations work based on the concepts of power and security. There are variants of how realist view international associations and their political systems. However, there are underlying assumptions that make the variants, in theory, compare with other approaches.
The neorealist theory is primarily based on realist assumptions on the structure of the international system in determining state behaviour (Ripsman, Taliaferro, and Lobell, 2016). The theorist first agrees that the state is the basic actor in international relations on the basis of the treaty of Westphalia. Secondly, they view states as unitary and rational actors in foreign affairs because of national interests. Third, believe that international relations are conflictual. Lastly, the global system results in power competitions to gain security and power. At international levels, there are no established hierarchies, and hence no state is exempted from anything. States are construed to rely on themselves ultimately.
译文：
新现实主义理论 核武器军事论文代写
在国际关系的背景下，新现实主义是一门强调国际关系中国家间竞争的思想流派。现实主义理论家认为，政治应被视为存在，而不是人们想象或希望的那样（Rana，2015年）。关于政治制度，该理论侧重于基于权力和安全概念的国际关系如何运作。现实主义者如何看待国际协会及其政治体系有多种变体。但是，有一些基本的假设可以使这些变体在理论上与其他方法进行比较。
新现实主义理论主要是基于现实主义对国际体系在确定国家行为方面的假设（Ripsman，Taliaferro和Lobell，2016年）。理论家首先同意，根据《威斯特伐利亚条约》，国家是国际关系中的基本角色。其次，由于国家利益，他们将国家视为外交事务中的统一和理性行为者。第三，相信国际关系是冲突的。最后，全球体系导致权力竞争，以获得安全性和权力。在国际一级，没有既定的等级制度，因此没有任何国家免于一切。国家应被解释为最终依靠自己。
Principles of Neo-Realist Theory
As an extension of classical realism, neorealism theory is elaborated using six principles as stipulated by Morgenthau (2014). The first principle state that politics are governed by objective laws based on human nature. Morgenthau stated that man is consciously moved by law. Thus, to improve society, it is fundamental to understand the law by which community lives. Secondly, national interests are defined in terms of power. Politics are taken and free and separate from other spheres such as social, economics, ethics and religion.
It allows the understanding of political and nonpolitical issues to bring a measure of systematics order in the political sphere. Thirdly, though state interests for power are objective and universally accepted they should not be taken as static. The fourth principle establishes the moral significance of political action. It recognises the inapplicability of abstract ethical principles. Fifth, neorealism does not identify the noble aspirations of a state concerning universal moral principles. In the sixth principle, Morgenthau stated that the differences between realism and other theories are indisputable and real. The principles contribute to the understanding of international politics.
译文：
新现实主义理论原理 核武器军事论文代写
作为古典现实主义的延伸，新现实主义理论是根据Morgenthau（2014）规定的六项原则进行阐述的。第一条原则规定，政治由基于人性的客观法律支配。莫根索（Morgenthau）指出，人是有意识地被法律所感动的。因此，对于改善社会而言，了解社区生活的法律至关重要。其次，国家利益是根据权力来定义的。政治是自由的，与社会，经济学，伦理和宗教等其他领域分离。
它使人们能够理解政治和非政治问题，从而在政治领域带来一定程度的系统秩序。第三，尽管国家对权力的利益是客观的，并且被普遍接受，但不应将其视为一成不变的。第四个原则确立了政治行动的道德意义。它认识到抽象伦理原则的不适用性。第五，新现实主义并没有确定一个国家关于普遍道德原则的崇高愿望。在第六个原则中，摩根索（Morgenthau）指出，现实主义与其他理论之间的差异是无可争辩的和真实的。这些原则有助于理解国际政治。
Case for Nuclear Weapons
Some realists and policymakers predicted the proliferation of nuclear weapons could be a compatible way of fostering international peace and stability. Most lay their argument on the development of the Cold War that was mostly related to some degrees the spread of nuclear weapons and how the development impacted on international relations. Lieber and Press (2013) observed that in future deterring the atomic weapons will be harder than it can be imagined. The underlying assumption of realism was derived from the perspectives of international politics. However, the main interest, in this case, is the assumptions related to nuclear proliferation. Realism is pessimistic about international politics. As such, it is used to explain the relationships between states and military strategies.
Therefore, realism theorists’ approach of nuclear developments with mix reactions.
The definition of military prowess or failure before the atomic era was compared to the ability to prevail over or defeated by the enemy. The description still holds in the context of nuclear adoption but below the precinct of total war. Nonetheless, less fighting and more of nuclear weapons have become risky as never before. The paradigm shift in the military composition has impacted the connection between the forces and policy. However, there is a positive impact on strengthening the principles of international relations theory. Power has taken the lead, and the leaders have become latent power relegated to manipulation of risks and giving war threats rather than participating or displaying power in the battlefield (Deudney and Ikenberry, 2017). Peace has been viewed as the outcome of the threat of war unacceptable repercussions instead of the state countering threat to defeat an attack.
译文：
核武器案 核武器军事论文代写
一些现实主义者和政策制定者预测，核武器的扩散可能是促进国际和平与稳定的兼容方式。大多数人认为冷战的发展在一定程度上与核武器的扩散以及这种发展如何影响国际关系有关。 Lieber and Press（2013）观察到，在未来，威慑原子武器将比想象中的要难。现实主义的基本假设是从国际政治的角度得出的。但是，在这种情况下，主要的兴趣是与核扩散有关的假设。现实主义对国际政治感到悲观。因此，它被用来解释国家与军事战略之间的关系。
因此，现实主义理论家采用混合反应来进行核发展的方法。将原子时代之前军事实力或失败的定义与战胜或击败敌人的能力进行了比较。该描述在核武器采用的背景下仍然适用，但不超过全面战争的范围。尽管如此，更少的战斗和更多的核武器变得前所未有的危险。军事组成的范式转变影响了部队与政策之间的联系。但是，这对加强国际关系理论的原理有积极的影响。权力已经发挥了领导作用，领导人已经变成了潜在的权力，只能操纵风险和给予战争威胁，而不是在战场上参与或发挥权力（Deudney和Ikenberry，2017年）。和平被视为战争威胁的后果，是无法接受的反响，而不是国家反击打败进攻的威胁。
Reason for Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
The United States of America is the first state to develop nuclear weapons (Scott, Twigge, & Twigge, 2013). The move triggered the first atomic weapons programs in the anticipations of the U.S. decision regarding World War II. The development for the United States was not without warning, especially that other nations would, as a precautionary, develop nuclear weapons. The main fear of the U.S its allies like Britain and France was Germany not succeed in having the weapons because it was feared that the country could have used theirs with impunity.
Eventually, Germany never succeeded to have nuclear weapons and was defeated by U.S. The U.S later tested its weapons by bombing two cities in Japan. The questionable military action was intended to deter the Soviets from their role in Japan and as a warning to the Societ Union. Although the main intention was to inflict fear and security, the action was overtly justified to save U.S civilians and Allied and thus bringing the war to the haul. It portrayed the U.S as flexing its muscles for its weaponry ability.
译文：
核武器扩散的原因 核武器军事论文代写
美利坚合众国是第一个开发核武器的州（Scott，Twigge和Twigge，2013年）。此举引发了美国有关第二次世界大战决定的第一批原子武器计划。美国的发展并非没有警告，尤其是作为预防措施，其他国家将发展核武器。对美国及其盟国（如英国和法国）的主要恐惧是德国未能成功拥有武器，因为人们担心该国可能会不受惩罚地使用其武器。
最终，德国从未成功拥有核武器，并被美国击败。后来，美国轰炸了日本的两个城市，以测试其武器。可疑的军事行动是为了阻止苏联人在日本发挥作用，并向社会联盟发出警告。尽管主要目的是施加恐惧和安全感，但为拯救美国平民和盟军并因此拖延战争而公开采取这一行动是合理的。它描绘了美国为武器装备而竭尽全力。
The Soviet Union was next to develop nuclear weapons.
The act was a sign that although it was allied to the U.S, the relationship would not suffice in World War II. The bombing of Japan and secrecy of the project made the Soviet Union doubt the U.S that it might use this new power to dominate it. The fear made the Soviet Union take only four years to seek security in the deterrence potential of the weapons. The weapons also added to the prestige and bestowed themselves the potential of the arms.
Britain and France despite them being allied in World War II, emerged powerless with low prestige. Britain, as an ally of the US, had scientists privy to the technology used in the development of nuclear weapons in the Manhattan Project. Both Britain and France went ahead to develop their own (Kristensen & Norris, 2013). These countries did not trust and feared the U.S use of the weapons. At the same time, the weapons bolstered their low prestige and increased their world influence in power.
译文：
苏联紧随其后发展核武器。 核武器军事论文代写
该法案表明，尽管与美国结盟，但这种关系在第二次世界大战中是不够的。 对日本的轰炸和该项目的机密性使苏联怀疑美国是否会利用这一新力量来统治它。 由于担心，苏联只用了四年就可以在武器的威慑潜力上寻求安全。 武器也增加了声望，并赋予了武器潜力。
英国和法国尽管在第二次世界大战中结盟，却无能为力，声望低下。 英国作为美国的盟友，使科学家不了解曼哈顿计划中用于发展核武器的技术。 英国和法国都继续发展自己的国家（Kristensen和Norris，2013年）。 这些国家不信任美国，担心美国使用武器。 同时，这些武器增强了他们的威望，并增强了他们在世界上的权力影响力。
China was the last in the UN Security Council members to go nuclear.
The country feared that with the weapons, it is a threat of other nations harbouring them and hence be a victim of bullying. Though China announces it would not develop more than the minimum deterrent force, and it would not be the first to use nuclear weapons, the development built its prestige and influence of power the international relations. Together with the other four countries, China is part of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
The NPT is now a universal means of controlling nuclear weapons (Swango, 2014). The only countries that are not part of the treaty including Israel, India, Pakistan and North Korea. North Korea is the only of the four that was a member but withdrawn in 2003. Israel committed never to be the first to use weapons against enemies. The decision of Israel to go nuclear is understood as survival tactic in the frequent threats and as an ultimate recourse of war by neighbours. However, Kristensen and Norris (2014) NPT will be technologically challenged as the technology advance since more countries are weaponising blurring the effectiveness of the treaty in future.
India, on the other hand, argued that it could not remain non-nuclear in a world where there are states which possess the same weapon power (Kristensen & Norris, 2015). While the decision may have been elicited by fear and need for security, there was also a need for prestige. To avoid being bullied, Pakistan flowed the suite and developed theirs. The last country in the modern world to create nuclear is North Korea. The country was controlled by fear and to gain bargaining power in development aids.
译文：
在联合国安理会成员中，中国是最后一个拥有核武器的国家。 核武器军事论文代写
该国担心使用这些武器会威胁到其他国家藏有这些武器，因此成为欺凌行为的受害者。尽管中国宣布其发展将不超过最低威慑力量，而且它不是第一个使用核武器的国家，但这一发展在国际关系中建立了威望和力量。中国与其他四个国家一起是《不扩散条约》的一部分。
《不扩散核武器条约》现已成为控制核武器的普遍手段（Swango，2014年）。唯一不加入条约的国家包括以色列，印度，巴基斯坦和朝鲜。朝鲜是四个成员中唯一的一个，但于2003年退出。以色列承诺永远不会成为第一个对敌人使用武器的国家。以色列采取核武器的决定被理解为在频繁威胁中的生存策略，也是邻国战争的最终手段。但是，随着越来越多的国家在使武器模糊未来条约的效力，随着技术的进步，Kristensen和Norris（2014）的《不扩散核武器条约》在技术上将面临挑战。
另一方面，印度认为，在世界上拥有拥有相同武器权的国家的情况下，它不能保持无核（Kristensen＆Norris，2015）。尽管这一决定可能是出于对安全的恐惧和需要而引起的，但也需要声望。为了避免被欺负，巴基斯坦让这套套房流了出来，并开发了他们的套间。现代世界上最后一个制造核武器的国家是朝鲜。该国受到恐惧的控制，并在发展援助中获得了讨价还价的能力。
Critique
However, the neorealist theory for acquiring nuclear weapons is against the aspiration of liberalism. Liberalism belief that world peace and order cannot be enhanced by the use of force, such as military actions and weaponry threats that are achieved when countries continue to develop nuclear weapons (Bolton & Minor, 2016). Preferably, international relations goals can be achieved through economic and social powers between sovereign states.
译文：
批判 核武器军事论文代写
但是，新现实主义者获得核武器的理论违背了自由主义的抱负。 自由主义认为，不能通过使用武力来加强世界和平与秩序，例如当各国继续发展核武器时所实现的军事行动和武器威胁（Bolton＆Minor，2016）。 最好通过主权国家之间的经济和社会权力来实现国际关系的目标。
References 核武器军事论文代写
Bolton, M., & Minor, E. (2016). The discursive turn arrives in Turtle Bay: the international campaign to abolish nuclear weapons’ operationalization of critical IR theories. Global Policy, 7(3), 385-395.
Callaghan, J., & Phythian, M. (2015). Intellectuals of the Left and the Atomic Dilemma in the Age of the US Atomic Monopoly, 1945–1949. Contemporary British History, 29(4), 441-463.
Deudney, D., & Ikenberry, G. J. (2017). Realism, Liberalism and the Iraq War. Survival, 59(4), 7-26.
Kristensen, H. M., & Norris, R. S. (2013). Global nuclear weapons inventories, 1945–2013. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 69(5), 75-81.
Kristensen, H. M., & Norris, R. S. (2014). Slowing nuclear weapon reductions and endless nuclear weapon modernizations: A challenge to the NPT. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 70(4), 94-107.
Kristensen, H. M., & Norris, R. S. (2015). Indian nuclear forces, 2015. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 71(5), 77-83.
Lieber, K. A., & Press, D. G. (2013). The new era of nuclear weapons, deterrence, and conflict. Strategic Studies Quarterly, 7(1), 3-14.
Morgenthau, H. J. (2014). A realist theory of international politics. Realism reader, 53.
Rana, W. (2015). Theory of complex interdependence: A comparative analysis of realist and neoliberal thoughts. International Journal of Business and Social Science, 6(2).
Ripsman, N. M., Taliaferro, J. W., & Lobell, S. E. (2016). A neoclassical realist theory of international politics. Oxford University Press.
Swango, D. (2014). The United States and the Role of Nuclear Co-operation and Assistance in the Design of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The International History Review, 36(2), 210-229.
Scott, L., Twigge, S. R., & Twigge, S. (2013). Planning Armageddon: Britain, the United States and the Command of Western Nuclear Forces, 1945-1964. Routledge.
Varisco, A. E. (2013). Towards a Multi-Polar International System: Which Prospects for Global Peace?. E-International Relations Students, 3.
其他代写：essay代写 考试助攻 program代写 cs作业代写 加拿大代写 北美代写 北美作业代写 数据分析代写 澳大利亚代写 英国代写 homework代写 web代写 finance代写 Exercise代写
